robertemmett
02-27-2008, 08:03 PM
another article i did on the reasons for sf's success in the 1918 election. again warning, i do not claim this as gospel, just my take on it. feel free to point out the crap contained within.
THE RISE OF SINN FEIN AND THE 1918 ELECTION.
The election in 1918 saw Sinn Fein returned with 73 seats from a possible 105. The Irish Parliamentary Party was reduced to a mere 6 seats, and this only the result of an Ulster electoral pact with Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein had received a democratic mandate to put into action the pledges of their four point manifesto. Within a month of the election there was the first meeting of Dail Eireann and on the same day, the opening engagement of the War of Independence at Soloheadbeg Co. Tipperary. What had caused this dramatic turnaround in the fortunes of Sinn Fein? There are three factors that help explain this. The organisational strength, determination and the appeal of their cause is only one. The IPP’s association with failure is another. The actions of the British Government during this period, best explain why Sinn Fein becomes so popular.
The Irish Parliamentary Party- a force in decline.
The IPP had failed to secure Home Rule in 1914, and in the aftermath of the Rising, the leadership of Redmond and Dillion were anxious to secure some movement on this by the British. They were concerned that the people of Ireland would slip more and more towards the republicans. The British PM David Lloyd George hastily arranged negotiations in Dublin. The desperation of the IPP to get something was seen when they agreed in principle to the exclusion of 6 Ulster counties from HR for an unlimited time. However the talks ended in failure, and yet again the IPP showed themselves unable to deliver for Ireland. It was a disastrous blow for them.
The tide of public opinion continued to flow against the IPP in 1917. Throughout this year there were four by- elections. Sinn Fein won all four. The by-election for South Longford in May 1917 saw John Dillion take personal charge of the IPP campaign. He wrote to Redmond “… We have the Bishop, the great majority of priests and the mob… and if we are beaten, I do not see how you can hope to keep the party in existence”. The Arch-Bishop of Dublin, Dr William Walsh intervened with a letter in the Irish Independent. Whilst the letter was not openly supportive of Sinn Fein, it fiercely attacked the IPP over partition. Sinn Fein won by 37 votes.
The election of 1918 seen the IPP decimated. The lack of a grass roots electoral machine really damaged the party. The IPP had not encountered a serious electoral threat before. Perhaps in Ulster against the Unionists, but in the rest of the country the IPP had had clear run for seats since their creation. In the face of the volunteer led machine of Sinn Fein they simply crumbled. Canvassing for the IPP was no more than hastily placed ads in newspapers. Even this had limited impact. There was a serious paper shortage in 1918 and newspaper circulation was well down. In some constituencies the IPP did not even field candidates.
So whilst the British failure to push through Home rule and the British actions against Sinn Fein may explain why people abandoned the IPP, it does have to take responsibility for their demise. They failed to reform their grass roots structure and they failed to recognise the changing mood of the people. Home rule in 1918 was no longer the demand. The IPP’s manifesto contained nothing but vitriolic comment on Sinn Fein, dismissive of the idea of a Republic but short on any positive issues.
The Rise of Sinn Fein 1917-18.
Volunteers of the Easter Rising were spat on and abused as they were paraded through the streets of Dublin in 1916. With the execution of the leaders, public opinion began to shift. The men who had in the eyes of some Irishmen betrayed the empire and those on the frontline, soon became martyrs with open air masses being attended by thousands. The manner in which the British executed the leaders in secret and without notice, caused a wave of public revulsion and helped turn the tide towards Sinn Fein.
About two thousand volunteers were imprisoned in Frongoch, Lewes and Mountjoy, but in the country Sinn Fein was quickly becoming a banner of convenience for republicans and advanced nationalists to unite under. It was decided that the party should contest elections and this strategy soon proved successful with Count Plunkett, father of the murdered leader, being elected in North Roscommon in February 1917. In East Clare, De Valera beat the IPP for the seat of Redmond’s brother Willie, who had been killed on the front. This was symbolic of how Sinn Fein was replacing the IPP as the main party of Nationalist Ireland.
The Volunteers were given a prominent role in the party. In the election for South Longford Joe McGuinness was stood, despite being a prisoner in Lewes. However it must be said that at this time the Volunteers were extremely doubtful about pursuing electoral politics, with McGuinness opposing his own nomination. Michael Collins managed his election using the slogan “Put him in to get him out!”
By 1918 Sinn Fein had 1,200 cumann with 200,000 members and the imprisoned volunteers had been released. In the absence of a military campaign they threw their weight behind the electoral project. They brought military discipline to politics and their determination and commitment paid off. Apart from electioneering, the volunteers were heavily involved in land grabbing, particularly in the West. With poor harvests and the real prospect of famine, land grabbing from estate owners probably did more to attract the small farmers to Sinn Fein than the lofty ideals of a Republic.
The actions of the British 1917-18.
The actions of the British during this period did much to swing support towards the Sinn Fein. The manner of the execution of the 1916 leaders had caused much revulsion and the failure of the Lloyd George talks to grant Home Rule to Ireland had seen the IPP’s support weaken even further.
There had been martial law in Ireland since the Easter Rising and British harassment of republicans had been stepped up in the summer of 1917. One incident that drew more support to the republicans was the arrest of Volunteers, including Thomas Ashe, for making seditious speeches. Ashe went on Hunger Strike demanding that he and his comrades be treated as political prisoners. Thomas Ashe died after forced feeding and his funeral in Glasnevin seen Volunteers firing a volley, Collins making a fiery oration and 40,000 in attendance.
The British threat to introduce conscription to Ireland in April 1918 did more to increase Sinn Fein support. The British were being squeezed on the front especially after the launch of the German’s Ludendorff offensive. They seen Ireland as providing the 150,000 men it needed. The Catholic Church, the IPP, the labour movement and Sinn Fein united in a campaign to oppose conscription. In the face of such overwhelming opposition the British backed down. But it was to Sinn Fein that much of the credit must go for their role in the campaign. They had remained constant since 1914 in their opposition to Irish men fighting for the British. The IPP opposition was seen as hypocritical has they had encouraged men to fight “wherever the line extended”. The IPP’s John Dillion reacted angrily to conscription in the Commons accusing the government of “creating Sinn Feiners by the tens of thousands”.
In May 1918, the British hatched “the German Plot” accusing Sinn Fein of conspiring with Germans. They arrested 73 leading republicans. Collins realising the publicity value of having the leadership in jail ensured that those arrested were available. Only Collins and Cathal Brugha escaped arrest. The public saw the plot for what it was, a British fabrication, and sympathised even more with Sinn Fein. In July the government banned SF, the Volunteers and Cumann Na Ban. All meeting including hurling matches were banned. Arrests increased as republicans defied such restrictions. On one Sunday in August 1,500 hurling matches were played in defiance.
Conclusion
1918 had seen an almost complete Sinn Fein electoral victory. The movement had convinced the Irish people of the benefits of the Republic. the years 1919-21 would see the establishment of the First Dail and an IRA campaign to defend the Dail from the counter revolutionary actions of the British.
THE RISE OF SINN FEIN AND THE 1918 ELECTION.
The election in 1918 saw Sinn Fein returned with 73 seats from a possible 105. The Irish Parliamentary Party was reduced to a mere 6 seats, and this only the result of an Ulster electoral pact with Sinn Fein. Sinn Fein had received a democratic mandate to put into action the pledges of their four point manifesto. Within a month of the election there was the first meeting of Dail Eireann and on the same day, the opening engagement of the War of Independence at Soloheadbeg Co. Tipperary. What had caused this dramatic turnaround in the fortunes of Sinn Fein? There are three factors that help explain this. The organisational strength, determination and the appeal of their cause is only one. The IPP’s association with failure is another. The actions of the British Government during this period, best explain why Sinn Fein becomes so popular.
The Irish Parliamentary Party- a force in decline.
The IPP had failed to secure Home Rule in 1914, and in the aftermath of the Rising, the leadership of Redmond and Dillion were anxious to secure some movement on this by the British. They were concerned that the people of Ireland would slip more and more towards the republicans. The British PM David Lloyd George hastily arranged negotiations in Dublin. The desperation of the IPP to get something was seen when they agreed in principle to the exclusion of 6 Ulster counties from HR for an unlimited time. However the talks ended in failure, and yet again the IPP showed themselves unable to deliver for Ireland. It was a disastrous blow for them.
The tide of public opinion continued to flow against the IPP in 1917. Throughout this year there were four by- elections. Sinn Fein won all four. The by-election for South Longford in May 1917 saw John Dillion take personal charge of the IPP campaign. He wrote to Redmond “… We have the Bishop, the great majority of priests and the mob… and if we are beaten, I do not see how you can hope to keep the party in existence”. The Arch-Bishop of Dublin, Dr William Walsh intervened with a letter in the Irish Independent. Whilst the letter was not openly supportive of Sinn Fein, it fiercely attacked the IPP over partition. Sinn Fein won by 37 votes.
The election of 1918 seen the IPP decimated. The lack of a grass roots electoral machine really damaged the party. The IPP had not encountered a serious electoral threat before. Perhaps in Ulster against the Unionists, but in the rest of the country the IPP had had clear run for seats since their creation. In the face of the volunteer led machine of Sinn Fein they simply crumbled. Canvassing for the IPP was no more than hastily placed ads in newspapers. Even this had limited impact. There was a serious paper shortage in 1918 and newspaper circulation was well down. In some constituencies the IPP did not even field candidates.
So whilst the British failure to push through Home rule and the British actions against Sinn Fein may explain why people abandoned the IPP, it does have to take responsibility for their demise. They failed to reform their grass roots structure and they failed to recognise the changing mood of the people. Home rule in 1918 was no longer the demand. The IPP’s manifesto contained nothing but vitriolic comment on Sinn Fein, dismissive of the idea of a Republic but short on any positive issues.
The Rise of Sinn Fein 1917-18.
Volunteers of the Easter Rising were spat on and abused as they were paraded through the streets of Dublin in 1916. With the execution of the leaders, public opinion began to shift. The men who had in the eyes of some Irishmen betrayed the empire and those on the frontline, soon became martyrs with open air masses being attended by thousands. The manner in which the British executed the leaders in secret and without notice, caused a wave of public revulsion and helped turn the tide towards Sinn Fein.
About two thousand volunteers were imprisoned in Frongoch, Lewes and Mountjoy, but in the country Sinn Fein was quickly becoming a banner of convenience for republicans and advanced nationalists to unite under. It was decided that the party should contest elections and this strategy soon proved successful with Count Plunkett, father of the murdered leader, being elected in North Roscommon in February 1917. In East Clare, De Valera beat the IPP for the seat of Redmond’s brother Willie, who had been killed on the front. This was symbolic of how Sinn Fein was replacing the IPP as the main party of Nationalist Ireland.
The Volunteers were given a prominent role in the party. In the election for South Longford Joe McGuinness was stood, despite being a prisoner in Lewes. However it must be said that at this time the Volunteers were extremely doubtful about pursuing electoral politics, with McGuinness opposing his own nomination. Michael Collins managed his election using the slogan “Put him in to get him out!”
By 1918 Sinn Fein had 1,200 cumann with 200,000 members and the imprisoned volunteers had been released. In the absence of a military campaign they threw their weight behind the electoral project. They brought military discipline to politics and their determination and commitment paid off. Apart from electioneering, the volunteers were heavily involved in land grabbing, particularly in the West. With poor harvests and the real prospect of famine, land grabbing from estate owners probably did more to attract the small farmers to Sinn Fein than the lofty ideals of a Republic.
The actions of the British 1917-18.
The actions of the British during this period did much to swing support towards the Sinn Fein. The manner of the execution of the 1916 leaders had caused much revulsion and the failure of the Lloyd George talks to grant Home Rule to Ireland had seen the IPP’s support weaken even further.
There had been martial law in Ireland since the Easter Rising and British harassment of republicans had been stepped up in the summer of 1917. One incident that drew more support to the republicans was the arrest of Volunteers, including Thomas Ashe, for making seditious speeches. Ashe went on Hunger Strike demanding that he and his comrades be treated as political prisoners. Thomas Ashe died after forced feeding and his funeral in Glasnevin seen Volunteers firing a volley, Collins making a fiery oration and 40,000 in attendance.
The British threat to introduce conscription to Ireland in April 1918 did more to increase Sinn Fein support. The British were being squeezed on the front especially after the launch of the German’s Ludendorff offensive. They seen Ireland as providing the 150,000 men it needed. The Catholic Church, the IPP, the labour movement and Sinn Fein united in a campaign to oppose conscription. In the face of such overwhelming opposition the British backed down. But it was to Sinn Fein that much of the credit must go for their role in the campaign. They had remained constant since 1914 in their opposition to Irish men fighting for the British. The IPP opposition was seen as hypocritical has they had encouraged men to fight “wherever the line extended”. The IPP’s John Dillion reacted angrily to conscription in the Commons accusing the government of “creating Sinn Feiners by the tens of thousands”.
In May 1918, the British hatched “the German Plot” accusing Sinn Fein of conspiring with Germans. They arrested 73 leading republicans. Collins realising the publicity value of having the leadership in jail ensured that those arrested were available. Only Collins and Cathal Brugha escaped arrest. The public saw the plot for what it was, a British fabrication, and sympathised even more with Sinn Fein. In July the government banned SF, the Volunteers and Cumann Na Ban. All meeting including hurling matches were banned. Arrests increased as republicans defied such restrictions. On one Sunday in August 1,500 hurling matches were played in defiance.
Conclusion
1918 had seen an almost complete Sinn Fein electoral victory. The movement had convinced the Irish people of the benefits of the Republic. the years 1919-21 would see the establishment of the First Dail and an IRA campaign to defend the Dail from the counter revolutionary actions of the British.